Ramokgopa’s response to a parliamentary inquiry that SAPS are working on 1,952 Eskom-related cases and have made 126 arrests, poses an interesting question: why are they acting only now but were indifferent to these crimes when De Ruyter disclosed them?

When De Ruyter told National Police Commissioner General Fannie Masemola of the criminality and corruption crippling Eskom, the General bemoaned the lack of crime intelligence at his disposal (p 207). His response was an indictment of the State Security Agency which expressed ignorance of the criminal network which De Ruyter’s crime investigation initiative had uncovered (p. 151).

Another insight into the lax attitude to security was expressed by Major General Pushkin Skhosana, the head of national key points security. He told De Ruyter that it was the responsibility of the owner of a key point – Eskom, in this case – to safeguard its assets (p 207).

From those admissions, it becomes clear how cartels and the coal mafia were able to rob Eskom with impunity. Also why there were no serious attempts made at prosecutions because of the network that would have been exposed and the extent of complicity reaching to Cabinet level.

Minister Ramokgopa can claim no credit for having established a team probing criminal activities at Eskom. That credit belongs to Andre De Ruyter who tried to initiate such action two years ago.

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Like so many governments in power today, it is out of touch – detached, as the editorial expresses it –from the realities of the daily lives of people. Of course, that is an intentional part of the agenda of the World Economic Forum, namely, to impoverish through manufactured crises and false narratives so as to achieve subjugation and control. Our liberation regime is fully on board with the WEF agenda because it has always been fundamental to its Marxist Freedom Charter.

Be that as it may, one aspect of the collapsing state of the country not mentioned in the May 15 editorial concerns how the regime is benefiting from load shedding. On May 4, the comments of Pick n Pay’s CEO, Gareth Ackerman, on this subject were widely reported. He noted that the need to run generators to keep PnP stores operating had cost R522 million in diesel and that 37% of that had gone straight into the regime’s coffers through taxes and levies.

When one considers the diesel expenses all enterprises are incurring, it becomes clear that the regime is profiting to the tune of billions from increased diesel consumption as a result of the intermittent electricity supply. So while the regime profits, life becomes increasingly more costly for all, in stark contradiction to its slogan “a better life for all.”

The fact that the regime refused to allow Eskom to import diesel directly lends credibility to this reality. Directly imported diesel would have cut the SOE called Petro SA out of the equation and denied the comrades their cut from the sale of diesel to Eskom.

It is so obvious how the liberation regime is recycling the old USSR playbook. Despite equality in poverty and mediocrity in the USSR, a small minority of obscenely affluent oligarchs existed in total contradiction to the professed policies of communism.

The utter lack of shame on the part of the regime is apparent from its response to the crises its policies of incompetence and indifference have created. The primary reason for the tour of KZN by the regime president is his concern to shore up political support for the 2024 election so the syndicate can continue its depredation.

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The reasons listed by Thungela CEO, July Ndlovu, for this R4,1 billion investment provide a catalogue of what ails investment in South Africa: Transnet’s inefficient rail system, erratic power supply due to load shedding and what he euphemistically calls “infrastructure bottlenecks.”

The positives Ndlovu cites for investing in Australia are its well-established mining jurisdiction with support infrastructure industries and handy access to Japanese and other Asian markets.

But perhaps the most telling reason for Thungela’s Australian acquisition is the need “to de-risk our underlying business and to bolster the resilience of the company [thereby] creating value for our shareholders.”

Thungela’s faultless reasoning exposes the credibility of the ANC’s mantra that South Africa is open for business. It also reflects how history repeats itself when in the 1980s hundreds of international companies disinvested in South Africa not only because of apartheid but because of the ANC’s rolling mass action and strikes which wrought havoc with production.

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